Nyandwi who was aware that four of RNC co-founders were tried in absentia after they denounced the authoritarian regime of President Paul Kagame,he knew that he could not return to Kigali and be safe while he was still an active member of RNC.

In its attempt to gain support of the cessation clause which could take effect in June, 2013, the government of Rwanda has multiplied its efforts to bribe refugees and asylee to return home and make statements that will support its argument.

Nyandwi’statements about RNC are false and unfounded. Unlike RPF, Rwanda National Congress (RNC) does not ask its member to be sworn in to become members. A person is free to join RNC on his own will and leave as he or she wishes.

Mr. Nyandwi lived in exile for 19 years, way before Rwanda National Congress was founded. Something else certainly kept him in exile, not the lies of RNC leaders AS Nyandwi claims, because RNC is only two years old. A document establishing RNC can be found at www.rwandanationalcongress.co.uk, or www.rwandanationalcongress.org. The document contains every reason why RNC is committed to peaceful changes of the authoritarian regime of RPF and its leader President Kagame.

Rwanda National Congress wishes Mr. Nyandwi well.

Jean Paul Turayishimye

Spokesperson

Re: Accountability for massacres committed

I and other victims of atrocities that were committed in Rwanda during the 1994 war and genocide have recently learnt with deep shock that Brigadier Kabandana is now serving as military attaché at the embassy of the Republic of Rwanda in the United States of America.

As I outline in my testimony which is attached to this letter, Brigadier General Kabandana is one of the officers of the current army of the Republic of Rwanda who are responsible for a horrific massacre which took place at Gakurazo, Gitarama Prefecture, on June 5,1994
The Government of the Republic of Rwanda has failed to investigate and prosecute, in good faith, the persons who were responsible for the above mentioned massacre, as the attached letter addressed to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda demonstrates. Rather bring the persons who are responsible for this particular massacre to justice, the Rwandan government has rewarded the perpetrators of the atrocity with promotions in the army hierarchy and appointment to very high public offices in Rwanda.
Perpetrators of international crimes, including war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide should under any circumstances not be allowed to serve as diplomats accredited to the United States. States have an unyielding obligation under international law to punish persons in their territories who are responsible for such crimes, or to extradite them to jurisdictions that are able and willing to do so.
The purpose of this letter is to request your Department to exercise the power vested in it by the laws of the United States of America to ensure that Brigadier Kabandana is either brought to justice for his crimes or, at the very least, barred from continued service as military attaché at Rwanda’s embassy in the United States of America.

I would also like to put the government of the United States on notice that should Brigadier Kabandana be permitted to continue to serve in the position of military attaché at Rwanda’s embassy in the United States of America, I and some other victims of the atrocity referred to in my testimony will without doubt seek to use all available legal means to have Brigadier Kabandana brought to account for his crimes, either before the courts of the United States or the courts of other states able and willing to try the Brigadier Kabandana under the principle of universal jurisdiction.
Sincerely,
Esperance Mukashema

Cc: -H.E. Barack Obama
President of the USA
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20500
USA
-H.E. Leon E. Panetta
Defense Secretary
1400 Defense Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301-1400
USA
- Human Rights Watch
350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor
New York, NY 10118-3299
USA

-Amnesty International
1 Easton Street
London
WC1X 0DW, UK
Witness Testimony on the Massacre of Bishops and other church officials by Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPA) soldiers and officers on June 5, 1994 at in Gakurazo, Rwanda .

My name is Esperance Mukashema. I am a survivor of the Rwanda genocide. I am of Tutsi ethnicity, as were my mother and father. I was married to the late Gasana Cyprien who was also Tutsi. My late husband was killed by Interahamwe Militia members at the beginning of the Genocide.

I miraculously survived the attacks in which most of my family perished and was able to get help in escaping to the compound of the Josephite Brothers order at Gakurazo, in the Gitarama region of Rwanda. The Josephite Brothers hosted and protected me and many other Tutsi throughout the period of the Genocide until July 1994 when the RPA, the Army of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, captured and took control of the Gitarama region.

The following is my personal, eyewitness testimony concerning a massacre that was committed by members of the RPA at Gakurazo in which my son, Richard Sheja, was one of the victims.

The RPA attacked and captured the town of Kabgayi on June 2, 1994. Kabgayi is a historical city well known for its religious significance. It was headquarters of the region’s Catholic Church Diocese and home of Catholic bishops, priests, nuns and brothers belonging to a wide range of religious congregations and associations with members from all genders and ages. The city is also home to many primary and secondary schools, seminaries, colleges and a major hospital. Kabgayi used to be a town that everyone considered as safe.

At the time of the RPA’s capture of Kabgayi, there was a very large number of internally displaced people and refugees who had already sought refuge in the town. These people had fled their homes in fear of being killed. They came to Kabgayi and sought refuge in the premises of the Catholic Diocese because they believed that their proximity to the bishops would ensure their safety. Prior to the 1994 genocide, Catholic clergy had historically wielded a very strong social influence and were very respected and obeyed. Their voice carried a lot of weight. It was believed by many people that the militia responsible for the genocide in other parts of the country would not dare attack this “holy city” and fatally harm the religious leaders and members of the various religious organizations who were living in Kabgayi or the refugees who had sought shelter with them.

What the Interahamwe militia dared not do, (attack the religious leaders and the refugees under their protection), the RPA did.

Three bishops were present at Kabgayi at that time of its capture by the RPA: Mgr Thaddee Nsengiyumva (the Bishop of Kabgayi), Mgr. Vincent Nsengiyumva (the Archbishop of Kigali) , and Joseph Ruzindana (the Bishop of Byumba). With the bishops were a large number of other high ranking members of the clergy, including assistant bishops, priests, nuns, brothers, lay church leaders and youth leaders.

The attack against the town of Kabgayi, was carried out by the 157th Battalion of the RPA, which was commanded by Col (now Lt. General) Fred Ibingira. Following the capture of Kabgayi, the RPA moved all the non-clergy displaced persons and refugees to the locality of Gakurazo. I and my three kids (eight year old son, six year old daughter and four year old son), had already taken refuge at Gakurazo for more than two month.

However, the bishops, other priests and their staff were first taken to a placed called Ruhango, where they were held, under constant guard, in a house close to the municipality office.

On June 5, 1994 the bishops and other clergy members were transferred again from Ruhango to Gakurazo, where the non-clergy had been moved to. The RPA officers told the Bishops that they were being moved to Gakurazo because Gakurazo was a clean and pleasant place befitting their status. The bishops and other clergy members arrived at Gakurazo around 12 pm under the escort of soldiers who were under the command of Major (now Brigadier General) Wilson Gumisiriza, who was assisted by, among other officers, Lieutenant Innocent Kabandana, Lieutenant Wilson Ukwishaka and Sergeant John Butera.

Upon arrival at Gakurazo, the Bishops (under the leadership of Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali Diocese led prayers in the Chapel while a Burundian priest in charge of the Novitiate made sure that there were enough rooms for accommodating the members of the clergy who had been transferred from Ruhango. During the course of the evening of that fateful day, the soldiers who had accompanied the bishops and other clergy members from Ruhango summoned the clergy members to attend a meeting in the cafeteria. The bishops and the clergy members duly complied and took seats in the cafeteria. The Vicar-General of Kabgayi, Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, had my son seating on his lap.

Myself also was in the cafeteria at the beginning of what we thought was a genuine meeting. While I was stepping out of the room to take sleepy son to bed, my daughter followed us. Before I could reach the door of the cafeteria, some RPA soldiers entered and ordered the females to get out of the room immediately. On my way out, one of the soldiers suggested to also take my son Richard with me, but when I went back, Mgr Gasabwoya told me that the kid was in safe hands. Everyone else, except the bishops and the clergy, was asked to leave the cafeteria. As I was entering into my room, I heard shootings coming from the cafeteria. I heard my son yelling, calling mom for help. I returned to the cafeteria and witnessed the massacre. The RPA soldiers totally ignored my son plea and shot him in his back. All the people who had stayed in the cafeteria were shot dead by RPA soldiers. Only one priest miraculously survived the gruesome carnage.

After the massacre, Lieutenant Ukwishaka blew a whistle calling for attention and gathered all the refugees into the courtyard. The officer told us that the massacre that had just taken place had been carried out by one soldier who wanted to revenge his own family. The officer then took us to the cafeteria to show us the bodies of the victims.

There were bank notes of currencies from many countries (including US dollars and Rwandan Francs) spread all over the floor of the cafeteria. The bishops had apparently hidden money under their cassocks. The RPA soldiers who were at the scene ordered the Burundian priest who was in charge of the Novitiate to pick up and put together all the money that was on the floor and give it to them.

The day after the massacre, the bodies of the victims were buried in a mass grave. It is during that time that it was reported that the French intervention mission in Rwanda (Operation Turquoise) was about to be deployed. RPA officer Kabandana came to Gakurazo again and ordered all the refugees to move to the locality of Kinazi, Gitarama. After we arrived at Kinazi, some RPA soldiers, including the above named Kabandana and Butera, came and instructed the Burundian priest, Brother Vivens, and Mgr Gasabwoya’s brother to provide them with a truck to carry certain supplies. The soldiers also took away the three men and the three were never seen again. We presumed that they were killed by Butera and Kabandana.

Done at s’Heerenouek on February 18, 2013

Esperance Mukashema

Date : 01 March 2013.

FDU-INKINGI AND RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS (RNC) COMMEND THE UNITED KINGDOM GOVERNMENT’S DECISION TO STOP GENERAL BUDGET SUPPORT TO RWANDA.

On 1st March , 2013, the United Kingdom’s Secretary for the Department of International Development announced that a £16 million package of development support to Rwanda will be channeled through aid agencies or directly to the poorest people. None of this funding will be released to Rwanda as general budget support – meaning that it won’t go through the Rwandan government, the announcement stated. In November 2012, the UK government, alongside many others in the international community, had suspended its aid package to Rwanda due to its support to the M23 rebellion in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

FDU-Inkingi and Rwanda National Congress (RNC) welcomed and supported the decision by the United Kingdom to suspend general budget support due to Rwanda’s involvement with M23 rebellion.

FDU-Inkingi and RNC welcome and support the UK decision to channel its aid package to Rwanda directly to the poor people or through aid agencies, an approach we have always advocate for.

FDU-Inkingi and RNC urge the UK government and the rest of the International community to increase and sustain pressure to the Government of Rwanda to open political space, release all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally, stop and account for human rights abuses in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, undertake unconditional dialogue with Rwanda’s political and armed opposition, and stop the support to the M23 rebellion in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana

Co-ordinator

FDU-inkingi

Lausanne

Switzerland

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa

Co-ordinator

Rwanda National Congress (RNC)

Washington, D.C.

USA

Serge Ndayizeye

COORDINATING COMMITTEE FDU-INKINGI
Head of FDU delegationDr. Nkiko Nsengimana

RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS (RNC)Head of RNC delegationGervais Condo

In the Foreign Policy issue of February 21, 2013, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and American billionaire Howard Buffet pleaded with the international community to “stand with Rwanda, and that now is no time to cut aid to Kigali”. Blair and Buffet recognise the shocking consequences of DRC’s Second Congo War, which has claimed more than 5.4 million lives, as “the most deadly conflict since World II”. Since the eruption of the M23 insurgency, Blair and Buffet admit, 900,000 people have been displaced and serious human rights abuses have been committed.

Like the Government of Rwanda’s denials and deception regarding the U.N. Security Council group of experts report on Rwanda’s involvement with the M23 rebellion, the thrust of Blair’s repeated absurd and scandalous campaign is to question the integrity of the report, and condemn the international effort to hold President Paul Kagame accountable for his actions in DRC.

FDU-Inkingi and Rwanda National Congress (RNC) would like to state the following regarding the Blair-Buffet position:

It is either sheer ignorance or outright selective amnesia to remember the scourge of the Second Congo War, without mentioning the authors of the same war. For those who may not be familiar with the recent history of the Great Lakes region of central Africa, it was President Kagame of Rwanda, later supported by President Museveni of Uganda, who started the First Congo War as well as the Second Congo War. President Laurent Kabila responded to Rwanda’s and Uganda’s attack by requesting the help of Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia as the conflict escalated into a regional war. A stalemate followed and ultimately Rwanda and Uganda withdrew, and have since maintained their presence through proxy forces. M23, like CNDP before it, is Rwanda’s creation.

The pretense that everyone is wrong about Rwanda’s involvement with M23 except President Kagame, Tony Blair and Howard Buffet is in itself a symptom of the corrupting power of money and unchallenged political influence. The United Nations Group of Experts’ Report has been confirmed as credible and compelling by the whole international community, including U.S, British, French and many African governments. Human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have diligently shown the extent of human rights abuses that Rwanda and its proxies have committed in DRC.

Having dismissed the whole world, except the trio, as liars, Blair and Buffet re-iterated and echoed Rwanda’s often repeated defense that cutting or suspending aid is the “wrong approach”. One would ask them, “what is the right approach” to a regime that without provocation abuses the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another state? More aid? There is no dispute that President Kagame’s regime has been a recipient of tremendous amounts of resources from the West’s bilateral and multilateral finance institutions. While there are some positive outcomes of this guilt-driven largesse from the international community, the unquestioning attitude towards Rwanda has fueled President Kagame’s impunity in Rwanda and war-making in DRC.
It is true that DRC’s internal problems have a long history. It is true that problems of the Great Lakes region are complex, dangerous and inter-related. DRC’s population and geographical size may be seen by Blair and Buffet as a problem, but they are assets that are yet to be harnessed by Congolese people for their own benefits. An ineffectual UN Peacekeeping operation in DRC is ridiculous, but it is no reason for Rwanda to always be the spoiler who acts with arrogance and impunity. FDLR may be the convenient culprit, but it is no longer the leading rationale for President Kagame’s policies and actions in DRC. What is beyond any shade of doubt is that President Kagame’s regime has become a major part of DRC’s problems. Rwanda’s presence in DRC, direct or through proxies, has nothing to do with protecting Tutsi there or in Rwanda. The main reasons are domestic and financial. A dictatorial, brutal, and minority regime in Rwanda is simultaneously belligerent and exploitative with neighbors. To perpetually weaken and compound DRC’s problems is President Kagame’s unstated, yet unequivocal, goal.

Asking the DRC, Rwanda and Uganda to find solutions for problems that Rwanda (and to a lesser extent, Uganda) causes to DRC is an absurd proposition that is designed to preserve the status quo. If Blair and Buffet were not blindly or intentionally pro-Kagame, they would have highlighted and supported the current initiative to deploy troops from the SADC region (spearheaded by South Africa, Tanzania and Angola). Only such African force, logistically and financially supported by the international community, stands the chance of getting DRC to reclaim its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Tony Blair’s quest to sell President Kagame to an increasingly skeptical and questioning public opinion is seen by many as suspect on grounds of greed and racial considerations. Has this former British Prime Minister turned into a hired disciple who must sell a soiled and spoiled product to anyone who cares to listen? Is Tony Blair a closet racist who does not care for the plight of millions of Rwandese and Congolese who have perished due to President Kagame’s policies and actions in Rwanda and DRC simply because the victims are Africans and black?

If he is not greedy and/or racist, Tony Blair should assist Rwandans and the Congolese by joining Africans and the rest of the international community in putting pressure on President Kagame to release all political prisoners, open political space to allow political parties to establish themselves and function, allow independent media and civil society to function, stop human rights abuses, stop his DRC adventures and account for his policies and actions related to M23 and the UN Mapping report, and promote dialogue between President Kagame and Rwanda’s opposition, unarmed or armed ( including FDLR).

We call upon Tony Blair and Howard Buffet to make a choice: stand with the Rwandans, Congolese people and the international community or with President Kagame’s minority military clique as it accelerates to its own demise. The former path requires that they become students willing to learn the true context and consequences of the status quo which they are promoting. Being a rich dictator’s friend and promoter may be tempting, but it is temporary and dangerous, as history has repeatedly demonstrated; all the reason why Blair and Buffet should listen to their conscience.

Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana
Co-ordinator
FDU-Inkingi
Lausanne
Switzerland

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa
Co-ordinator
Rwanda National Congress (RNC)
Washington, D.C.
USA

23rd February, 2013

- Review of laws that limit the freedom of political parties to register and to function freely and without fear of repression
-Fostering the development of a vibrant, independent, diverse, and responsible civil society, especially including independent human rights organizations and an independent media
- Establishing mechanisms to ensure free and fair elections, including an independent and inclusive national electoral commission, and to ensure the independent exercise of political party financing

One method of organizing governance in deeply divided societies (characterized by identity-related cleavages, such as conflicts based on ethnicity, religion or linguistic differences) is to deal with these societal splits at the political level through consociational power-sharing. Consociationalism is a form of democracy which seeks to regulate the sharing of power in a state that comprises diverse societies (distinct ethnic, religious, political, national or linguistic groups) by extending and allocating collective rights to these groups. Consociational democracy is characterized by decision-making processes that take into account as broad a range of opinions as possible, as opposed to systems where vote-winning majorities can potentially ignore minority opinions.

Consociationalism stands in contrast to the concept of “majoritarian democracy.”
Majoritarian systems call for the integration of minority groups and the distribution of individual rights only. However, the consociationalist approach consists of accommodating minorities and by granting them collective rights. Consociational democracy would help diverse Rwandan identities feel represented and safe while at the same time building a national identity that transcends ethnicity, regionalism or other identity.

The RNC believes that the ultimate objective in Rwandan society should be to develop a single cohesive national identity based on common and equal citizenship for every citizen of the nation. The RNC recognizes – given the history of violence, repression, exclusion and marginalization that the different groups have been subject to at one time or another – it is not possible to eliminate citizens‟ sense of identity and fear of victimization by “the other community” in the short run. It is necessary to provide adequate guarantees to the Tutsi community that democratically-elected governments in the future will not again succeed in organizing genocide against them.

The RNC further proposes that Rwanda must avoid conflict by adopting a consociational form of distribution of political power in all political, military and security institutions of the country. All communities must enjoy the opportunity to participate effectively in the management of the state and to protect their fundamental rights and interests.

As such, the Rwanda National Congress believes:

-All communities should have the opportunity to participate in the management of the state as Rwanda gradually develops a national identity that transcends ethnicity
– There must immediately begin an orientation towards building consensus rather than mutual exclusion
-Rwanda must embrace open, transparent and accountable government, civil society, and a thriving and entrepreneurial private sector
– The rule of law permeates all aspects of society
– Effective and efficient institutions must be created forthwith that respond to the needs and aspirations of all communities in an inclusive and democratic way

Meanwhile, the phenomenal rise of the RPF as a business conglomerate over the last several years has been driven, in part, by illegal and/or criminal transfers of money and other assets (including privatized state-owned enterprises) from the government and the Democratic republic of Congo to corporations owned by the RPF. The illegal transfers of government assets to the RPF has been facilitated, in part, by donor agencies that provided their development assistance through budget support, making it easier for the RPF to use government resources for its own business purposes. The system has also allowed President Kagame to use informal security networks to harass, silence or kill his opponents at home and abroad.

The Rwanda National Congress will support and promote economic policies based on equity and growth. The RNC will support economic policies that aim to promote economic growth, rather than simply redistribute scarce resources among a privileged few as is now the case. The RNC will promote and support policies and programs for:

- Redefining the role of government to create stable macro-economic conditions conducive to trade and investment
- Investing in rural agricultural transformation to provide jobs and income, especially to the millions of women and unemployed youth
- Investing in science, technology, entrepreneurship and innovation to meet many of the unmet and under-met social, economic and business needs
- Building the capacity of Rwanda‟s industries and businesses to add value and trade nationally, regionally and globally
- Consolidating and establishing platforms for collaborating, creating and sharing knowledge and skills in government, private sector, and the non-governmental sector
- Reducing the role of the RPF and other political parties in the economy, and ensuring fairness in access to business opportunities, financing and credit
- Promoting climate-smart, environmentally-friendly “green” actions to make Rwanda‟s path to social and economic development sustainable
- Mobilizing, developing and deploying Rwanda‟s managerial and leadership talent and other human resources within Rwanda and the Diaspora towards national, regional, African and global development